India and China went to war in 1962 over a territorial dispute. Since then they have lived in peace, uneasy at times. The 1993 and 1996 agreements to keep peace on the border and an earlier tacit understanding to keep the border dispute on the back burner helped to develop ties on other fronts.

Yet, China is showing little seriousness to resolve the border dispute. China also continues to nurture its nuclear and missile tie-ups with Pakis-tan. It is getting closer to India's smaller neighbours like Bangladesh and Myanmar through economic and military assistance as part of its policy of containing India through strategic alignments with countries in South Asia.
The Special Study traces India-China relations from the days of Nehru till the present times

The key question that the study seeks to analyze is whether India and its South Asian economies are in a position to influence global growth. In the process, the study looks at the strengths of the South Asian economies, the challenges that face them in economic and social development, their future prospects of growth, India along with China as growth engines, the functioning of the SAARC and the South Asian Preferential Trade Agreement (SAPTA), the impact of the WTO etc. In addition, there are brief country profiles on India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Nepal, Maldives and Bhutan.

This Study traces the historical and present factors of communalism, the role of Hindu and Muslim fundamentalist, the communal riots and their impact on the Muslim psyche, the roles and policies of the Congress, the BJP and most importantly, the Muslim voting pattern.

This study lists all the major newspapers and journals published in India, both national and regional, including those published in regional languages. It provides details about their ownership, publishers, the circulation, their areas of influence, the constitution of their editorial boards etc. Most importantly, the study indicates their editorial policies and political affiliations. This ready-reckoner educates the reader on the nuances of the Indian Press and helps him maintain a correct prospective while reading specific newspapers and journal. This is our largest selling study and a must for scholars and others seeking to understand the Indian Media.

The Special Study examines the entire gamut of issues concerning Jammu & Kashmir, right from 1947, the signing of the Instrument of Accession, the UN resolutions, the 1953 & 1975 accords, the history of militancy from 1989, Kashmiri grievances, the autonomy resolution and its serious implications within and outside Kashmir, the Indian & the Pakistani positions, the options of the government and the prospects of peace and further talks.

No Knowledge of Indian Polity is complete without an understanding of the complex caste and class equations. The Study explains the traditional caste system, the social, economic and political changes effecting the caste hierarchies, the emerging class factors, the explosion in Indian society caused by Mandalisation, the crucial "dalit" (untouchables ) factor and how the various political parties are exploiting them. Traditionally exploited by the Congress, these social equations are being exploited by the BJP, the Communist and by almost all regional parties.

Events in Jammu and Kashmir have unfolded at a fast pace. It all started with the offer of talks by the Centre with the Hurriyat. Unnerved and not wanting to be marginalised, Dr. Farooq Abdullah played the autonomy card seeking, through a resolution passe d by the Assembly, a pre-1953 status for the State. This would imply restricting the Centre's powers to Defence, Foreign Affairs and Communications. This was rejected by the Union Cabinet lock, stock and barrel saying it can only go as far as the 1975 Indi ra-Sheikh Abdullah accord and consider further devolution of powers.

While talks on devolution are yet to commence, negotiations on the modalities of enforcing a cease-fire began with the Hizbul Mujahideen, a Pakistan based largely Kashmiri militant group, which had earlier announced a unilateral cease-fire. This was a dramatic development in that it was the first time that any kind of talks had taken place with militants. Many observers saw in these developments efforts and initiatives by the US and the ground work prepared by intelligence agencies and emissaries. They also saw in this a pattern which could lead to a solution to the Kashmir problem. But the road to peace will be long and difficult as the massacre of 100 people on August 1 and the car bomb blast in Srinagar on August 10 indicated. Pakistan's dubious role was evident in the quick U-turn taken by Hizbul in calling off the cease-fire and talks when India declined its suggestion to include Pakistan in the talks. At present there is stalemate as well as hope.

The Special Study examines the entire gamut of issues concerning Jammu & Kashmir, right from 1947, the signing of the Instrument of Accession, the 1953 & 1975 accords, the start of militancy, Kashmiri grievances, the autonomy resolution and its se rious implications within and outside Kashmir, the options of the Centre, the prospects of peace and further talks with the Hizbul Mujahideen or Hurriyat and more.

The high altitude and high-decibel undeclared war in Kargil sector of Kashmir where the Indian ground and air action flushed out hundreds of Pakistani regulars and the battle hardened Afghan mercenaries has ended with the total withdrawal of forces by Pakistan. At one stage the conflict threatened to escalate into an all-out war between India and Pakistan with nuclear ramifications. The developments both on the military and political fronts took place at such a fast pace that it was difficult to comprehend the seriousness of the conflict, the extent of Pakistani involvement, its hidden motives of taking peace in Lahore and preparing for war in Kashmir, the strategic importance of Kargil as the lifeline between Leh and Srinagar, the Indian intelligence failure, the implications of India launching the air strikes, Pakistan questioning the sanctity of the Line of Control in Kashmir, and its Foreign Secretary threatening to use nuclear weapons if the need arose.

The international option, led by the United States, was one of understanding the Indian action against the mercenaries and reprimanding Pakistan for upping the ante by crossing the Line of Control in Kashmir. The Pakistani action leaves many questions unanswered.
The study was prepared at the height of the Kargil war.

Few bilateral disputes have lasted so long, been so intense and acccomplished so little. Two full scale wars, frequent armed confrontations along the Indo-Pak border, and over eleven years of Kashmiri militancy have not induced either India or Pakistan to shift from their positions of five decades. Kashmir is now being seen as an issue on which a nuclear war can also break out between the two countries.

The study goes into the claims and counter-claims of India and Pakistan on Kashmir, the State's accession to India by the then Hindu ruler after the Pakistani sponsored tribal raids soon after the partition of India in 1947; the special status of the Kashmir under Article 370 of the Constitution and how it was eroded by various governments at the Centre. The study goes into the mistake committed by India in taking the Kashmir matter to the UN, Pakistan's exploitation of the UN resolutions without honouring its own part of the documents; its sponsorship of insurgency and its attempts for foreign mediation etc.
The Special Study is a historical perspective of the Kashmir dispute.

The May 11-13, 1998 nuclear blast made India the sixth nuclear weapons state. Despite adverse international condemnation, the threat of a matching response by a stunned Pakistan, American and Japanese announcement of economic sanctions, the Vajpayee Government is determined to go ahead with India's programme of weaponisation and demand its recognition as the sixth nuclear weapon State by the five nuclear powers. At that time, in 1998, the acquisition of nuclear weapons techology was being justified as giving the country a nuclear deterrent to meet the security concerns posed by its two neighbours withb nuclear capability. No amount of pressure to sign the CTBT in its present form deterred India to demand that it will sign only as a nuclear weapons State and on its term.

The nuclear tests together with the go-ahead given for the advanced version of the Agni missile will give India's defence forces greater credibility and perhaps push India as a countervailing force against China, something the USA has been pushing for notwithstanding its reservations on India going nuclear.

Asia News Agency prepared this Study in May 1998 on India's long leap forward in the nuclear field, giving an exhaustive background into India's mastery over a range of nuclear weapon technologies and delivery systems, the various nuclear facilities in India which helped it make the bomb and produce the fissile material, its quest for nuclear weapons programme in response to Pakistan's clandestine development of nuclear arsenal and the threat posed by China, the international pressure to sign NPT and CTBT, the Indian refusal to bow to such pressure, BJP's commitment to give India a nuclear bomb, the future programme of weaponisation, the international repercussion and the force of sanctions, the Pakistani threat of matching response, the fears of India's relations with China deteriorating over the nuclear test and with the US and the West over refusal to sign CTBT.
The study was prepared immediately after India exploded the nuclear bombs.

The Study indicates the organisational structure of the Department of Space, the various units in India, the satellite programme(INSAT I - II) and its utilisation, the National Natural Resources Management System ( NNRMS), the Launch Vehicle programme (ASLV, PSLV, GSLV) and its military/ commercial spin-offs, the military significance of the missile programme (Agni, Prithvi, Trishul, Akash, Nag), India's views on the MTCR etc.
The study was prepared in 1996.

This is an exhaustive Study on the stand taken by India at the Disarmament Conference, the compulsions behind swimming against the international current in favour of the global test ban treaty, the kind of American pressure it would be confronted within the coming days, the American duplicacy of not practicing what it preaches, the national consensus in India against the CTBT, the case of building nuclear weapons, as also the various kinds of nuclear facilities like nuclear reactors, fast breeders, spent fuel reprocessing plants, heavy water manufacturing capabilities and the other paraphernalia which has been built up to give the country nuclear weapons once a political go ahead is given.

The study was prepared at the time of the Disarmament Conference in 1996, but the arguments put forward by India at that time as well as the logic of India still not signing the CTBT remain the same.